Bluer State

Making A Blue State Bluer:
What the Los Angeles Mayor's Victory Means to New Jersey
by John Atlas

July, 2005

When Mark Murphy of the Fund For New Jersey brought together leaders of over 65 non-profit groups for a two-day conference this past May in Princeton, he may have set in motion a movement that will change the face of the state's politics. Frustrated over the reluctance of New Jersey's Democratic establishment to come to grips with the major issues that confront the state, the diverse group of people who gathered there agreed to develop a common agenda and political action plan.

Leaders from groups like NJ Citizen Action, the state's largest consumer advocacy coalition, the Black Minister's Council, the Latino Leadership Alliance, Education Law Center, Association For Community Organizations Now (ACORN), the state's largest community organizing group, sat around the table with urban anti-poverty groups from Newark and suburban groups like Skyline Clean (an environment group based in Ringwood) and Blue Wave (based in Montclair). New Jersey Policy Perspective, a Trenton-based research group that's emerging as the state's major idea factory, was in the room along with the Communication Workers of America.

While each of these groups has its own political constituency, issue concerns, and technical skills, several participants argued that in politics, as in other segments of society, the whole is often greater than the sum of its parts. They suggested that the groups pool their resources in order to make an impact in future political campaigns, including the upcoming governor's race. All agreed that they needed to change the political debate in New Jersey to focus on issues that combine economic growth, environmental sustainability and social justice.

Less than two weeks later, on May 17, Antonio Villaraigosa, a progressive activist and city councilmember, won a landslide mayoral victory (59 - 41 %) in Los Angeles, defeating incumbent James Hahn, a moderate Democrat. If the activists attending the Princeton meeting learn key lessons from their west coast counterparts, New Jersey could become a laboratory for redefining what it means to be pro-business while including the needs of the community for good jobs, clear air, decent housing, and top-notch schools.

Although the national media have emphasized Villaraigosa's stature as LA's first 20th century Latino mayor--his photo was on the cover of Newsweek, headlined, "Latino Power -- he has more in common with recent progressive big-city mayors like Chicago's Harold Washington (an African-American) and Boston's Ray Flynn (Irish Catholic) than with other Latino mayors, most of whom have been moderates.

Villaraigosa, worked as an organizer with the teachers union and got elected Speaker of the
California state Assembly, where his effective coalition-building skills enabled him to pass legislation to expand funding for urban parks, health insurance, and school construction. As president of the city's chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union he championed police reform, a critical concern in Los Angeles' African-American neighborhoods.

Villaraigosa's election was also the culmination of a long, hard journey for LA's progressive grassroots movement. Since the 1992 riots, activists have organized an increasingly powerful political coalition of unions, community organizations, religious institutions, immigrants rights activists and ethnic civic groups. Despite racial and ethnic friction, the past decade's groundswell of grassroots labor and community organizing helped focus much of this frustration in positive directions.

In the last four years, progressives forced the city to adopt a living wage law, an ordinance that effectively stops low-wage big-box stores like Wal-Mart from setting up shop, an anti-sweatshop policy, and a municipal housing trust fund to support affordable housing.

How They Built the Foundation
Led by Miguel Contreras, the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor built a solid base for organizing, research, coalition-building and political muscle. Contreras, formerly of the United Farm Workers, reached out beyond its membership to forge coalitions with other activists. "Community allies are essential for obtaining workplace goals, and issues important to union members are not exclusive to the workplace," said Contreras,
.
The coalition included activist-research institutes that led the fight to secure local and minority hiring guarantees and "card check" union organizing neutrality agreements. Liberal scholars and policy wonks created a comprehensive policy agenda that served as an organizing guide and a common vision for the future. A key element in their coalition building was electoral politics. First, they recruited candidates and helped them win seats in the Los Angeles city council, the state legislature, and the U.S. Congress. Labor unions and their community allies put together effective get-out-the-vote campaigns. Next came the Mayoral race in 2001 and the City Council contests. The coalition focused on the widening economic divide between the rich and poor and the frustration with the city's public schools, police and the housing crisis. Villaraigosa became the favorite mayoral candidate among progressives. He lost by a small margin, but the campaign provided the base for this year's contest.

Los Angeles has moved left. According to exit polls, 47% of voters identified themselves as liberals, compared with 27% moderate, and 26% conservative. Villaraigosa's wide victory margin was spread across all key demographic, racial, ethnic, economic, and geographic groups. He won majorities among all income groups, from 54% among those earning over $100,000 to 67% among voters below $20,000. Villaraigosa's progressive politics and charisma helped him carry a whopping 77% of voters between 18 and 29 and 70% of those between 30 and 44. Even in the more conservative suburban middle-class San Fernando Valley, he garnered 48% of their votes. The political and policy infrastructure created by years of progressive organizing provided the foundation for his victory.

LA and NJ
With its dense sprawling geographic area, Los Angeles is more like New Jersey than a New York City or Philadelphia. Like Los Angeles, New Jersey has a strong labor movement with membership rates well above the national average. Certainly the issues Los Angeles confronts are quite familiar to residents of New Jersey: a shortage of decent jobs that pay a living wage, access to health care, traffic congestion, inadequate public transit, overcrowded and under performing public schools, and a lack of affordable housing. These problems -- in New Jersey as well as Los Angeles -- threaten our economic prosperity and weaken our communities, and families.

New Jersey's progressive mosaic is beginning to find its voice. Leaders are working together to develop trust and find common ground, while running a diverse range of campaigns. ACORN, AARP, Citizen Action, the Institute for Social Justice worked together to reduce predatory bank lending. New Jersey Policy Perspective provided the ammunition for the campaigns to increase the state's minimum wage and pass the millionaire 's tax, and is ready to expand its horizons as part of a broader movement.

For the first time in years, progressives are optimistic. "There's a real sense that a movement is building here," explains Phyllis Salowe-Kaye, executive director of Citizen Action, who has more than three decades' experience in the tenants rights, the women's movement, and community activism.

At last month's meeting, the activists talked about joining forces. These groups already share core values: equality, democracy, honest government, stronger families, environmental health and economic prosperity for all. They all have experience lobbying for their own policy issues that effect ordinary people.

But if these leaders are to succeed, they will have to learn two important lessons from their counterparts in Los Angeles: First, they need to develop a common policy agenda rather continue to operate solely in their own areas: environmentalists over there, unions over here, consumer groups over here. Second, they must forge a common strategy around supporting candidates (for governor, legislature, and local politics) based on a set of shared principles. Building those bridges, could construct a powerful movement with the staying power that would make this blue state bluer.

John Atlas, the former Executive Director of Passaic County Legal Aid Society, writes on urban issues, politics, and civic engagement. He is the president of the National Housing Institute (NHI.org) and a contributing editor to its magazine, Shelterforce. He is writing a book on democracy, equality, and progressive politics.